Political socialization is the process by which people acquire a set of political attitudes and form opinions about social issues.
Agents of Political Socialization
Family Neighbors
Peer group Career
School Co-Workers
Religion Community
Organizations
Media Life stage
Higher Education
Political values change almost throughout your life. The most important influences on your political values, however,
occur during your early life. Your family, school, community (religious organizations, youth groups, civic activities) and your peer groups have
the most profound effects. It is your family that gives you that basic attitude toward government that you will carry with you throughout your life.
PARENTAL INFLUENCE ON PARTY ID
% of children who are Democrat
% of children who are
Independent
% of children who are
Republican
Total
both parents Democrats
59%
29%
13%
100%
both parents Independents
17%
67%
16%
100%
both parents Republicans
12%
29%
59%
100%
-from National Election Study data
Family is the single most important factor in your political socialization. However, throughout your life, your political values
are influenced by college, adult peers (workers, friends, neighbors, spouses), political leaders, media and your political experiences. Too,
the maturation process alone will affect your political values. Until you have children, you will care little for public school issues. Until you own a home, you will care little for property tax issues. Political socialization, to a greater or lesser degree, will continue throughout your life.
The opinions you form exist at three basic levels.
1. values
and beliefs
most abstract
broad principles
Sam Huntington: liberty equality, individualism, rule of law
2. political orientation
translation of values
and beliefs into a systematic way of assessing the political environment
partisanship:
psychological attachment to a party
ideology: consistent set
of values and beliefs about the purpose and scope of government
3. political preferences
attitudes about specific issues / candidates
campaigns have little
effect on voting choices ... routine personal contact with family, neighbors,
co-workers and other acquaintances is the predominant influence
How Political Opinions Change: It's surprisingly easy to change
someone’s political views, revealing how flexible we are.
Public Opinion
... the collected attitudes of citizens on a given issue or question.
Governments tend to react to public opinion.
The fact that a public official serves at the pleasure of the voters usually tends to make that official sensitive to public opinion.
American public opinion has some unique characteristics.
The public's attitudes toward a given government policy
vary over time but Americans’ views on domestic policy are largely
stable. Consider guns: Congress passed the last major federal gun measure,
the Brady Act, three decades ago. Since then, views on whether firearm
laws should be made more or less strict have barely moved, according to Gallup.
This is typical for most domestic policy issues, researchers have found.
Marijuana legalization is an exception. In 2000, 31% supported it; in 2024 70%
did. Why did public opinion on marijuana change so quickly? One explanation is
exhaustion with the war on drugs. Decades of punitive policy did not get great
results. The US is in the middle of its deadliest drug overdose crisis ever
(although overdose deaths are now falling). People want reform, and one place to
start is a drug that most Americans see as less dangerous than legal substances
like alcohol and tobacco.
That shift in public opinion has continued even as legalization has produced its
own problems. In states where marijuana is legal, people have reported more
addiction and other serious medical issues that are linked to daily marijuana
use. Still, public opinion remains in favor of legal pot.
On most issues in American politics, the majority of American voters stand somewhere near the
middle ground.
Americans tend to fall into one of four categories based on how knowledgeable they are about politics
and government.
opinion leaders 29%
informed public 34%
uninformed public 23%
politically clueless 13%
American citizens are more than willing to
express opinions about things of which they are totally ignorant.
American public opinion is
pragmatic, rather than ideological.
We may often talk theoretically but we act practically. That does not mean we don’t have political ideologies but it does mean we probably aren’t ideologues in the true sense of the word.
American public opinion is:
uninformed
inconsistent
unconnected
Wlezien's Thermostatic Model: Government responds to public opinion but often
overshoots it, causing the public to move in the opposite direction.
post-truth: relating to or denoting circumstances in which objective
facts are less influential in shaping public opinion than appeals to emotion and
personal belief
I. Public Opinion Polls
... the instruments by which we discover the public’s opinion on an issue at a given point in time
The population is the group of people you’re interested in studying.
The sample is that part of the population considered to represent the entire population.
A poll is a type of survey or inquiry into public opinion conducted by interviewing a representative sample of the population.
population vs. sample / target population vs. random sample
A
random sample is the result of a process that selects a sample from the larger population entirely by chance.
A poll’s
sampling error tells you how much confidence you can have in the findings of the poll. The smaller the sampling error is, the more confidence you can have that the findings are accurate. The larger the sample is in relation to the population, the smaller the error. In general, you should look for a sampling error of ±3% … any poll with an error larger than ±5% is probably not worth the paper it’s printed on.
Properly conducted scientific polls are highly accurate and the data generated by an opinion poll are used to measure and analyze public opinion.
SLOPs (self-selected listener opinion polls),
CRAPs (computerized response audience
polling), intercept polls, FRUG
polls (fund raising under the guise of polls) and push
polls are neither scientific nor accurate. In fact, push polls only pretend to
be polls in order to "push" you into believing something, e.g. "If you found out
that the local community college has been overcharging students for their
tuition, would you continue to attend your local college?" Push polls don't
really care about your opinion ... they're trying to get you to believe their opinion.
Fox News (April 2004)
asked the following question of 900 registered voters:
Do you support or
oppose the US having taken military action to disarm Iraq and remove Iraqi
President Saddam Hussein? Is that strongly support/oppose or only somewhat
support/oppose?
Support strongly
49%
Support somewhat
16%
Oppose somewhat
7%
Oppose strongly
24%
Not sure
4%
In this example had the
question only offered the response options, support and oppose, the results
would have yielded only that 65% were in support and 31% opposed. The strength
of opinion at the two extremes would not have been ascertained along with the
knowledge that the conviction at either end — the strongly held views — was more
than triple the more mildly held views.
Generally speaking, the accuracy of a poll depends upon the degree to which the characteristics of the people being interviewed is really similar to those of the group they are supposed to represent. For example, the polling of sixteen-year-olds to predict the outcome of an election would be very questionable since they cannot vote.
Also, as a general rule, the greater the number of people interviewed, the more likely the prediction will be accurate.
Everything else being equal, an election poll of 100,000 out of two million voters is more likely to produce accurate results than a poll of 1,000 out of the same number. It is important to point out that large, national polling organizations have small national samples of under 2,000 that predict quite accurately for the entire electorate.
Lastly, those interviewed should have been selected in a random fashion. This is usually done to avoid or lessen the possibility of allowing any "unaccounted for" bias or characteristics ... of those being interviewed ... to influence the results. The accuracy of a poll designed to sample the views of all registered Republicans, for example, would definitely be suspect and have a conservative bias if it interviewed only contributors to Barry Goldwater's unsuccessful presidential campaign of 1964.
2. Under What Conditions Were The Interviews Conducted?
Generally speaking, unclear, biased, or emotionally charged questions will produce misleading answers and weaken the accuracy of the results of a poll. Questions such as ... How do you feel about candidate X? or, You are planning to vote for candidate Y, are you not? would be suspect.
Also, if the people being polled are asked to choose from a given set of responses in answering a question, there must be an acceptable number of alternatives from which to choose. For example, suppose those being polled are required to respond to a question ... either "yes" or "no." This practice would eliminate the possibility that some of the people may truly be "undecided" and consequently distort the accuracy of the poll's results.
Finally, polls conducted by telephone or through the mails generally do not tend to be as reliable as personal interviews. This is largely due to the fact that the former measures are not as likely to be able to control for who really participates in the poll, the number who respond, and possible misinterpretation of the questions.
3. When Was the Poll Conducted?
It should also be noted that the results of a poll are representative ... however accurate ... of the preferences, views and feelings of a particular group of people
at a particular point in time. As a general rule, the more current the poll, the more likely it is to produce meaningful and useful results. A summer poll regarding who should be elected president in 2004, for example, is not likely to be as accurate as a poll taken during election week of the actual election.
4. Who Conducted the Poll?
Past reputation and performance can also help an individual determine the validity of the results of a poll. Generally speaking, "novice" pollsters are not likely to be able to compete with professional polling organizations with their large staff's, seemingly unlimited resources, and sophisticated computer equipment. In addition, polls conducted by groups with an obvious interest in the results should be held suspect until proven otherwise. Finally, past performance records of a polling group might be useful in determining the organization's credibility and reliability.
5. What was the Percentage of Error?
Polling organizations should also indicate what the potential for error of their poll is. Based on the size of their sample it is statistically possible to do so and indicates reliability to the reader.
Truth or Fiction:
A non-partisan website where internet users can quickly and easily get
information about eRumors, fake news, disinformation, warnings, offers,
requests for help, myths, hoaxes, virus warnings and humorous or
inspirational stories that are circulated by email.
PolitiFact: Staffers
research statements and rate their accuracy on the Truth-O-Meter, from True to
False. The most ridiculous falsehoods get the lowest rating, Pants on Fire.
Snopes.com: This
highly regarded rumor analyzing site has been researching rumors since 1995.
Media
Bias/Fact Check: An
independent media outlet dedicated to educating the public on media bias and
deceptive news practices. They maintain a database of 900+ news sources.
AllSides:
News and issues from multiple perspectives. The site clearly identifies each
news story's position (left, center or right).
What are
Confirmation Bias Examples?:
Confirmation bias is the tendency for people to selectively search for and
consider information that confirms already held beliefs. People also tend to
reject evidence that contradicts their opinions. This page has some examples of
confirmation bias.
Convey information that will evoke positive feelings about the candidate
Information can be positive or negative
Define candidate
and issue positions
Define opponents
Candidate controls content
Candidate controls the appeal
Stress image and issues
Measure citizens’ responses
Reinforce long-held predispositions about issues, personalities, political parties
Increasingly negative
Positive ads have to run again and again and again to stick
Negative ads move poll numbers in three or four days
System rewards those who win ... more important than voter turnout
What does the research say about negative advertising?
Negative ads do not increase participation.
Negative ads reduce positive attitudes toward candidates and races.
Attack advertising extracts a toll on participation: voting drops by 2.5% with negative ads
and increases by the same amount with a positive ad. It's strongest effect is on independents.
Provides valuable information.
Reveals information about candidate's strengths or weaknesses.
Stimulates the base into action.
More knowledgeable voters are most likely to pay attention to ads.
Negative ads are given more weight.
Negative ads produce stronger emotional effects than positive ads.
Behind the Scenes of a Presidential Primary (3:41):
Ever wondered what goes into covering a Presidential campaign? Here is an inside
look at C-SPAN's efforts around the New Hampshire Primary.
Special Bulletin (NBC, 1983, 1:40:00): A perfectly
typical broadcast evening on a major network is interrupted
by a shocking special news bulletin. A group of scientists
have threatened to detonate a nuclear bomb off of the coast
of South Carolina if the US Navy refuses to agree to their
demands - the disarmament of a key nuclear weapons facility.
The movie is dated but it provides a good look at the role
of the media and an interesting examination of the media's
treatment of dramatic events, calling out the role of TV
news in thriving on fear and conflict and illustrating how
the US government works (or doesn't). Caution: The movie is
shot as if it is real broadcast news and many people were
convinced it was when it was first aired.
Interest Groups
...an organization of individuals with similar views that tries to influence government to respond favorably to those views.
The principal purpose of interest group activity is to influence government to respond to the group’s objectives.
I. Types of Interest Groups
A.
Membership Organizations
1. business (dominant)
2. agriculture
3. professional organizations (doctors, lawyers, teachers)
4. labor unions (weak in Texas, a right-to-work state)
5. ethnic (NAACP, LULAC)
6. religious organizations
B.
Non-Membership Organizations
1. individual businesses not part of a membership organization
C.
Local Governments
D. Functions of Interest Groups
1. They provide a vehicle for grassroots political participation.
2. They channel information on key issues to the general public.
3. They monitor the performance of federal officials and programs.
II. Techniques Used by Interest Groups
A. lobbying
...communication by a representative of an interest group directed at a government official to influence the official’s decisions
legislature: providing information, communications with constituents, filing bills
executive agencies: influence implementation of laws
types of lobbyists
contract
in-house
government (local)
citizen
private individual
B. electioneering
donate $ to campaign
media strategy (TV ads, newspaper ads)
raise $ for candidates
campaign volunteers
C. grassroots lobbying: shape public opinion
III. Interest Group Power
A. Money: oil and gas industry
B. Membership: strength in numbers, teachers
C. Hire former legislators: former members know system and the current members
D. Distribution across state
wide distribution: strong
narrow or limited distribution: weaker
IV. Comparing Interest Group Power Across States
A. economic diversity
more diverse economy: more groups, less influence
less diverse economy: few dominant groups, more influence
B. party strength
weak two-party competition: strong groups
strong two-party system: weak groups
C. structure of state government
decentralized executive structure: strong groups
iron triangle (legislative committee, executive agency, interest group)
Political party:
a broadly based coalition that attempts to gain control of the government by winning elections
The principal purpose of political party activity is to gain control of government by winning elections.
I. 50 Two-Party Systems
A. state parties are independent of national organizations
1. few national offices, many state offices
2. common goals and similar issues, but separate organizations
B. state party ideology
1. competitive vs. noncompetitive states
2. policy-relevant vs. non-policy-relevant states
3. Texas
a. not competitive, Republican dominance
b. not policy relevant: old southern Democrats similar to new Republicans
c. traditional culture, small government, low taxes
The majority of American voters stand somewhere near the middle ground on
most issues of American politics but party activists tend to hold more extreme
views.
II.
The Class Inversion of American Politics
For much of the 20th century, Democrats were the party of the
working class, while Republicans were the party of suburban professionals.
RepublicansDemocrats
suburbs urban areas
younger older
white minorities
professional
class working class
In recent decades, however, politics has changed. Over the
past generation, Democrats have won over more college graduates and affluent
professionals by listening to them - and then creating a party that reflects
their views on many issues. As they’ve grown in numbers, college graduates
and affluent professionals have instilled increasingly liberal cultural
norms, while gaining the power to nudge the Democratic Party to the left.
This group also has a higher voter turnout rate in non-presidential
elections, when the turnout rate is lower - sometimes much lower - for other
groups.
Partly as a result, large portions of the traditional Democratic working-class
base have defected to the Republicans, and that’s increased over the past
decade. Working-class voters are defined as people without a four-year college
degree. These voters make up a majority of the electorate. And they tend to be
more religious, more outwardly patriotic and more culturally conservative than
college graduates.
Race plays an important role here. Republicans have won more working-class votes
partly by appealing to white identity. But working-class American voters span
racial groups. They tend to be worried about crime and political correctness,
however they define it. They have mixed feelings about immigration and abortion
laws. They favor many progressive positions on economic policy. They are
skeptical of experts. Most believe in God and in a strong America.
Democrats often lament that so many working-class Americans vote against their
own economic interests, by supporting Republicans who try to cut health care
programs, school funding and more. But working-class conservatives are hardly
the only voters who prioritize issues other than their financial situation.
College graduates do, too. Pocketbook issues aren’t the only reasonable issues
to decide a person’s vote. Other subjects, like climate change, civil rights,
religious rights, abortion, immigration, crime, education and Covid-19, are
important, too. Sometimes people vote based less on their income and more on
their cultural attitudes. Sometimes, these attitudes are related to specific
matters of policy, like immigration or abortion. Other times, they involve more
personal subjects, like religion or patriotism. The class inversion of American
politics is real and, at least in the near future, both parties will struggle to
win back or keep working-class voters.
What’s a realignment? It’s a lasting
shift in the partisan allegiance of the country, or at least a large
demographic group. Think, for instance, of the rise of FDR’s New Deal
coalition, or the realignment of the South from Democrats to Republicans
after the enactment of the Civil Rights Act. These are epochal, defining
moments in American history. Realignments usually require a subsequent
election to confirm the shift, a confirming election, because unique
candidates and circumstances can produce major electoral shifts that don’t
last.
de-alignmentand the declining influence of parties
more independent voters
party outsiders win party nominations
media, not party leaders, weed out candidates
raise $ from individuals
and interest groups, not just parties
well-funded candidates have upper hand, not party organizations
III. The State Party Organization
A. Permanent Party
continuity between elections
precinct chair: basic level in the party organization in Texas
county chair and executive committee
state chair and executive committee
B. Temporary Party
only during election years
precinct convention: held on primary election day, must vote in primary
to attend
select delegates to county or district convention
county or district convention
select delegates to county or district convention
state convention
select national convention delegates
nominate electors for electoral college (presidential election years only)
Constitution Party http://www.constitutionparty.com/ 23 North Lime Street Lancaster, PA 17602 Phone: 717-390-1933 Other Phone: 800-283-8647 Fax: 717-299-5115
Constitution Action Party Post Office Box 5705 Arlington, VA 22205-5705 Email:
fcreel@crosslink.net
Freedom Socialist Party http://www.socialism.com/ 4710 University Way North East, #100 Seattle, WA 98105 Phone: 206-985-4621 Fax: 206-985-8965 Email:
fspnatl@igc.org
Green Party http://www.gp.org/ 1711 18th Street Northwest Washington, DC 20009 Phone: 202-319-7191 Other Phone: 202-319-7192 Fax: 202-319-7193 Email:
office@gp.org
Independence Party of America http://www.mnip.org Post Office Box 40495 Saint Paul, MN 55104 Phone: 651-487-9700 Fax: 651-789-0307 Email:
webmaster-3@mnip.org
Reform Party Post Office Box 3236 Abilene, TX 79604 Phone: 325-672-2575 Email:
info@reformpartyusa.org
Republican National Committee http://www.gop.com 310 First Street, South East Washington, DC 20003 Phone: 202-863-8500 Fax: 202-863-8820 Email:
info@gop.com
...an
organized group of people with at least roughly similar
political aims and opinions, and with the goal of influencing public policy
by getting its candidates elected to public office
Some theorists state that third/minor parties are not really parties because
in a winner-take-all system they know they can never win elections. However,
third/minor parties frequently win elections for local and even state-wide
offices. Even if they didn’t, their goal is to win elections as
demonstrated by their continued selection of and campaigning for nominees.
B. Movement
...a sense of belonging and of solidarity generated through active
participation
Does not have one over-all formal organization but may include many
organized groups (for example, the labor movement, which includes trade
unions, political parties, consumer cooperatives and many other
organizations).
Implies the creation of an entirely new political order and so develops
a more or less elaborate, and more or less consistent set of ideas which its
members must accept BUT a given movement’s ideas, and therefore its
goals, may be more or less defined.
Movements sometimes imagine they can bring new people into the voting
pool as a way of avoiding the compromises necessary to reach those who
are already voters, but that rarely succeeds.
Conspiracy theories held by the faithful nullify any incentive for
members to moderate their beliefs, ideas, goals, etc - even after losses
- in an effort to attract new members and voters. Instead, defeat only
demonstrates the monstrous scale of the plots arrayed against them by
the opposition.
examples of recent movements:
neoreaction (NRx or Dark Enlightenment) (c 2007): an
anti-democratic and reactionary movement that favors a return to
older societal constructs and forms of government, including support
for monarchism and traditional gender roles, coupled with a
libertarian or otherwise conservative approach to economics … a
loosely-defined cluster of Internet-based political thinkers with no
interest in appealing to a wider audience … an early school of
thought in the alt-right
Tea Party (2009): despite its name, conservative movement
(mixture of libertarian, populist and conservative activism) with a
specific set of goals and objectives (reduction of the US national
debt and federal budget deficit by reducing government spending,
supports lower taxes, opposes government-sponsored programs), has
aligned itself with Republican Party
Coffee Party (2010): despite its name, initially founded as an
alternative to the Tea Party movement, grassroots organization with
specific goals (cooperation and civility in government and removal
of corporate influence from politics … government is not the enemy
of the people, but the expression of our collective will, and we
must participate in the democratic process in order to address the
challenges we face)
Alt-right (new right) (2010): loose movement of people with
far-right ideologies who reject mainstream conservatism in the US
and whose leaders seek to take their ideas mainstream, mostly an
online movement that uses websites, chat boards, social media and
memes to spread its message
Occupy Wall Street(2011): movement with no specific centralized
platform (against social and economic inequality, greed, corruption
and the perceived undue influence of corporations on government
particularly from the financial services sector) other than a broad
call for change and so attracts a variety of ideological
perspectives
Political violence occurs when groups of people have very
separate worldviews. Some members of these groups and those who back
them really believe they are carrying out legitimate acts of
revolution when they engage in illegal activity.
Right-wing militias such as Oath
Keepers and Three Percenters, whose Roman numeral III can
be seen on patches and flags, are anti-government, pro-guns and
currently pro-Trump. Others on the right who share the militias’
anti-government views often signal their beliefs with the Gadsden
flag, a yellow banner dating to the American Revolution with a
rattlesnake and the phrase Don’t Tread on Me.
Boogaloos,
who wear their signature Hawaiian shirts, and Proud Boys, who
often wear orange hats, include racists and anti-Semites, though the
outright white supremacists tend to keep a lower profile. Some wear
Crusader crosses or Germanic pagan imagery that has become popular
on the racist and anti-Semitic fringes. Others have adopted an OK
hand-gesture as their own. Pepé the Frog, the smirking cartoon
amphibian that has become a widely recognized symbol of the
alt-right crowd, is a common sight.
You will often see the
green-and-white flags of Kekistan, the fictional country that is
home to the deity “Kek.” In the
meme-driven culture of the alt-right, a satirical religion
has sprouted up around Kek “as a way to troll liberals and
self-righteous conservatives,” according to the Southern Poverty Law
Center, which tracks hate groups. “He is a god of chaos and
darkness, with the head of a frog, the source of their mimetic
‘magic,’ to whom the alt-right and Donald Trump owe their success.”
The skull-like symbol of the Punisher, a crime-fighting Marvel comic
book antihero, is also a common sight. It has become a popular
emblem on the far right in recent years and is sometimes used by
police officers to signal one another without having to wear badges.
The QAnon conspiracy theory
falsely claims that there is a cabal of Democrats, deep-state
bureaucrats and international financiers who use their power to rape
and kill children, and that Donald Trump was elected to vanquish
them. The canard is convoluted and confusing, but its iconography is
clear and plentiful: shirts with the letter Q or slogans like
Trust the Plan; signs saying Save the Children; and
flags with the abbreviation WWG1WGA, which stands for Where We Go One, We Go All.
Who participates in politics is an important issue. Those who participate are
likely to have more political influence than those who do not. Higher education
is the single most important factor in producing a high degree of participation.
Older persons and men are also likely to be active. Blacks participate more than
whites of equal socioeconomic status.
Although voter turnout has decreased over the past twenty years, it seems that
other forms of participation, such as writing letters to public officials and
engaging in demonstrations, have increased. There are many ways in which
Americans can participate in politics-ranging from voting, which a majority do
with some regularity, to belonging to a political club or organization, which
only a few do. In an elaborate analysis of the ways people participate, Verba
and Nie discovered six different kinds of citizens.
Inactives participate little if at all (22%).
Parochial participants neither vote nor engage in campaigns or
community activity, but they do contact officials about specific, often
personal, problems (4%).
Communalists engage in community activities of a nonpartisan nature
(20%).
Voting specialists regularly vote but do little else (21%).
Campaigners vote and also participate in conflictual political
activities, such as campaigns (15%).
Completeactivists participate in all forms of political
activity (11%).
Americans are less likely to vote than are Europeans. The reasons for this
difference are complex. First, the US has an almost bewildering number of
elective offices, an estimated 521,000 positions. Voters' enthusiasm for
elections is surely deflated by the sheer volume of names with which they must
familiarize themselves. In Europe, in contrast, each voter generally is
confronted with only one or two offices to fill per election, so that electoral
decisions do not impose a burden on the voter. Even in Europe, however, voter
apathy increases with the number of elections. Too much democracy, in terms of
either selecting government offices or making policy, is exhausting.
A second explanation for the poor turnout rate involves the mechanics of
voting procedures. It is common in other countries for voting to be
compulsory by law and for registration to be carried out automatically by the
government. Mandatory voting would probably fail to survive a constitutional
challenge in this country on First Amendment grounds. Just as people have a
right not to speak (like refusing to salute the flag), it would seem to
follow that they have a right to refrain from voting as well.
Simplifying registration is a different matter. Republicans in particular have
tended to resist any easing of registration standards. Even during the 2020
coronavirus pandemic, many office holders fought against making registration and
voting easier, citing concerns about voter fraud even though widespread fraud
has never occurred during modern times.
Over the past decade
civil rights advocates have witnessed and litigated against systematic campaigns
to impede voters at every step of the electoral process. In 2011, 38 states
introduced legislation to constrain and obstruct universal suffrage. Although
state officials claim that voter ID laws and related constraints are necessary
to prevent voter fraud, one of the most
comprehensive studies on the subject
found only 31 individual cases of voter fraud out of 1 billion votes cast since
the year 2000. The state campaigns to impede universal voter participation seem
to reflect a fear and resentment of multiethnic democratic participation as
voters of color are strategically targeted for discrimination and intimidation.
A
federal court struck down North Carolina’s voter ID law,
concluding that its primary purpose wasn’t to stop voter fraud, but rather to
disenfranchise minority voters.
The weakness of political parties must also be considered. Unlike in the
past, parties today lack the patronage and welfare incentives to mobilize voting
blocs. Moreover, the impact of progressive reforms, such as the Australian
ballot and stricter registration requirements for voting, have contributed to
the loss of party influence over the electorate.
All these factors combine to explain why people do not vote in large numbers in
the US. Yet it is equally important to comprehend the other side of the issue,
namely, the factors that lead people to vote. Research underscores the
significance of personal characteristics in motivating a person's decision
to participate on election day. Education is the most critical variable.
As their educational level increases, individuals develop a stronger sense of
civic duty and a greater interest in, and knowledge of, politics. But education
alone is not a sufficient explanation, since voting rates have continued to
decline despite the proliferation of college degrees in recent decades. Another
characteristic that correlates with voting is age; older voters are more
likely to participate. But here again, overall voting rates have diminished
while the population has aged. Something other than personal characteristics
therefore seem to play a role in election turnout: the characteristics of the
election itself. Most recent elections have presented voters with uninspiring
candidates who failed to stimulate interest or excitement. The lack of a
realigning issue has made politics boring. However, turnout reaches notable
peaks in certain elections, as in 1964 (a sharp ideological choice between
candidates) and 1992 (an economy in recession and the charismatic candidate H.
Ross Perot). Voters participate when aroused to do so.
Considering how few tangible rewards participation produces, it is not
surprising that over 40% of Americans either do not participate at all or limit
their participation to voting. Compared to citizens of other democracies,
Americans vote less but engage more in other forms of activity. Despite the
comments above, the
number of Americans who voted in the 2020 November election was an eye-opening:
66.7% of the voting-eligible population. Whether or not that was an exception or
the beginning of a new trend in voter turnout remains to be seen.
1. voting age population
(VAP): all adults over 18
2. registered voters: citizens registered to vote
3. turnout based on registered voters higher than
turnout based on VAP
Voting is the principal means of political participation for most Texans.
Years of formal schooling is the single best socioeconomic predictor of the likelihood of an individual to vote.
The
primary source of campaign news in the US is television.
In a
pivotal state (a large, populous state with many electoral votes that a candidate must win to be elected), presidential candidates
are almost forced to rely on advertising.
Candidates try to sell themselves and their ideas on television
since it is the surest means of reaching the largest number of people.
In an effort to affect large numbers of voters, candidates often rely on
personal attacks on opponents ... negative campaigning. We complain about negative campaigning, but it works!
Texans are
most likely to learn political information about candidates from advertising materials prepared by the candidates.
III. Types of US Voters
A. ideologue: can articulate a personal political ideology
&
connect it to specific candidate or party positions (12%)
B.
group beneficiary: vote based solely on groups they like or groups they dislike (42%)
C.
fair / foul weather: vote only when they believe times are very good or very bad (24%)
D.
no issue content: votes are totally disconnected from any ideological or issue content but rather are based either on habitually voting for a specific party or person or based on candidate’s personality, appearance or etc.
IV. Low Voter Turnout in Texas
A. current registration laws
1. citizen: many immigrants in Texas cannot vote
2. 18 years old
3. 30-day registration deadline (longer than most states)
B. historical barriers
1. $1.75 poll tax: a device used in Texas to prevent lower income persons from voting during the 20th century
2. annual registration required
3. white primaries: in one-party state
the primary determines winner of general election
4. property requirements for local elections
5. women’s suffrage
C. unique social factors in Texas that
keep turnout low
1. higher poverty rates
2. large minority population
3. large immigrant population
4. lower than average educational levels
5. lower than average age
D. lack of two-party competition
1. one-party Democratic from end of Reconstruction until 1970s
Commonsense Solidarity: How a Working-Class Coalition Can Be Built, and
Maintained - A creative new poll asks working-class respondents -
defined as people without a bachelor’s degree - to choose between two
hypothetical candidates. The candidates are described both personally (their
gender, race and job category) and politically (including a sound bite in
which they talk about their views). The poll finds that working-class swing
voters hold a swirl of progressive and conservative views.
Primary elections are the first elections held in an electoral cycle. Primary
elections are voting processes by which voters can indicate their preference for
their party's candidate in an upcoming general election. The laws governing
primary elections vary from state to state and can vary within states by
locality and by political party. Primaries are generally considered partisan or
nonpartisan.
Our current primary system has a number of drawbacks. In one-party states (which
often have candidates from only one party running), a partisan primary election
may be the only election in which voters have a choice. Too, since partisan
gerrymandering has resulted in the vast majority of districts being “safe,”
partisan primary elections can limit choice even in competitive states. Only 10%
of each party’s voters, who tend towards the extremes, show up for partisan
primaries, resulting in increasingly extreme candidates making it to the general
election. Partisan primary elections disproportionately empower partisan
gatekeepers, who largely decide the candidates that receive support and
publicity. By the time most voters make their voices heard, the winner has
already been decided. Thus, partisan primary elections do a poor job of
reflecting the true preferences of the voters in a district.
open: A voter of any political affiliation may vote in the primary
of any party. For example, a voter registered as a Democrat can choose to
vote in the Republican primary. A voter may only vote in one party’s
primary. In many states, voters are not required to choose a political
affiliation when they register to vote. States vary in how they administer
open primaries for absentee voters. Critics of this type worry that members
of the opposing party can “raid” the election process through crossover
voting. Considered a partisan primary.
closed: Voters may only vote in the primary of the party they are
registered with. For example, a voter registered as a Republican can only
vote in a Republican primary. Absentee voters in states that conduct closed
primaries are often required to choose a party affiliation on their voter
registration form in order to participate in the state’s primary elections.
Voters who have declared loyalty to minor parties or are Independent are not
permitted to participate. Considered a partisan primary.
semi-closed: Independent voters, or those without a party
affiliation, may choose which party’s primary they want to vote in. Those
registered with a party may only vote in that party’s primary. For example,
a voter registered as a Democrat may only vote in a Democratic primary,
while a voter registered as an Independent may choose to vote in a
Democratic or Republican primary. Considered a partisan primary.
top-two: All candidates are listed on the same ballot. Voters choose
one candidate per office regardless of party affiliation. The top two
vote-getters advance to the general election, regardless of their partisan
affiliations, Consequently, it is possible for two candidates belonging to
the same political party to win in a top-two primary and face off in the
general election. Considered a nonpartisan primary.
top-four: All candidates are listed on the same ballot. Voters are
allowed to choose one candidate per office regardless of the candidate's
party affiliation. The top four vote-getters advance to the general
election, regardless of their partisan affiliations. Consequently, it is
possible for four candidates belonging to the same political party to win in
a top-four primary and face off in the general election. Considered a
nonpartisan primary.
blanket: All candidates are listed on the same ballot. Voters are
allowed to choose one candidate per office regardless of the candidate's
party affiliation. The top vote-getters from each party that is
participating in the primary then advance to the general election.
Consequently, one candidate for each political party participating in the
primary will face off in the general election. Considered a nonpartisan
primary.
runoff: An election held if no candidate for a particular office
receives the vote necessary to be elected in an election requiring a
majority vote.
presidential preference: Presidential candidates are not directly
nominated via primary elections but rather are formally nominated at
political party conventions. Presidential preference primary elections or
caucuses are held in each state to determine how that state's delegation
will vote during the nominating convention. A presidential preference
primary is an election at which a political party’s voters are given an
opportunity to express their preferences for the party’s presidential
candidates, for the purpose of determining the allocation of the party’s
delegates from that state to the party’s national presidential nominating
convention. There are differences in whether the ballot lists candidate or
delegate names. The presidential preference primary is a direct vote for a
specific candidate. The voter chooses the candidate by name. The second
method is more indirect, giving the voter a choice among delegate names
rather than candidate names. Delegates voice support for a particular
candidate or remain uncommitted. The Democratic Party always uses a
proportional method for awarding delegates. The percentage of delegates each
candidate is awarded (or the number of undecided delegates) is
representative of the number of primary votes for the candidate. For example
imagine a state with ten delegates and three candidates. If 60% of the
people supported candidate X, 20% supported candidate Y, and 20% supported
candidate Z, candidate X would receive six delegates and candidates Y and Z
would each receive two delegates. The Republican Party, unlike the
Democratic Party, allows each state to decide whether to use the
winner-take-all method or the proportional method. In the winner-take-all
method the candidate whom the majority of voters supports receives all the
delegates for the state.
Although
voters across the country cast ballots for their preferred presidential
candidate during the presidential primary season, it’s actually the
delegates to the national party conventions who select the presidential
nominees for each major party. Pledged/bound delegates must vote for a
particular presidential candidate at the convention based on the results of
the primary or caucus in their state. The requirement to vote for a specific
candidate lasts at least through the first round of voting at the
convention, but depending on state and party rules, some pledged/bound
delegates become free to vote for any candidate on subsequent rounds of
voting. Unpledged/unbound/super delegates may support any presidential
candidate regardless of the primary or caucus results in their state or
local district.
There is a great deal of disagreement on whether pledged/bound delegates
could be stopped at convention if they voted contrary to their pledge.
Further, under Democratic Party rules “delegates pledged to a specific
candidate are encouraged - but not required - to vote for the candidate they
had been selected to support.” Republican delegates may be pledged to a
candidate by personal statements or even state law but, according to RNC
rules, “may cast their vote for anyone at the convention.”
General elections are statewide elections held every two years in even-numbered
years on the Tuesday after the first Monday in November. In general elections
candidates (usually chosen via a primary election) are elected to office. Major
state officials (such as the attorney general, governor, lieutenant governor and
comptroller of public accounts) are elected in nonpresidential/midterm election
years. General elections occur at local, state and federal levels. In some
cases, general elections may occur at irregular times (special elections), such
as to elect a replacement for a seat vacated due to death, resignation or
removal from office. Other than those things stated in the US Constitution
regarding federal elections, states have control over the administration of
general elections, including those for federal offices.
A. Presidential general elections: Although in most states the names of
the candidates for president and vice president appear on the ballot, voters
are not electing them. Voters are electing a slate of electors, who
collectively will comprise the Electoral College and elect the president and
vice president.
The Electoral College is a group of electors that formally elects the
president and vice president (elector: a person who elects someone else,
college: a decision-making group such as the College of Cardinals, which
elects the pope). The number of electors from each state is equal to the sum
of the state's senators and representatives in the Congress. The District of
Columbia received the right to be represented by electors in 1961 with the
ratification of the 23d Amendment. Today, the Electoral College has 538
representatives.
The Founding Fathers rejected the idea of direct elections. This was, of
course, a time when communication and travel were difficult and there were
no national parties. In the first presidential election, George Washington
and John Adams were elected president and vice president respectively by the
Electoral College. There was no popular vote.
The power to determine the method of choosing electors belongs to the
states. Generally, the parties select the slate of electors, who are then
chosen by popular vote. The electors assemble in their respective state
capitals on the first Monday after the second Wednesday in December.
According to the Constitution, the electors may exercise their own
discretion in voting, but in practice all the votes in a given state go to
the presidential candidate who has received the plurality of the popular
vote. The candidate who becomes the President must win at least 270
electoral votes.
Some have proposed replacing the Electoral College with a system of direct
elections. Such proposals would require amending the US Constitution. A
system of direct elections would not only reduce the power of the two major
political parties, but would also reduce the importance of the states in the
electoral process.
The Cost of Ruling
- Voters tend to tire of national leaders the longer they’re in power. Often
they begin to have higher and higher disapproval ratings, even though
national conditions may be quite favorable. Two-term US presidents are even
rarely succeeded by a president of the same party. Although there are
exceptions, the cost of ruling is a remarkably consistent pattern across
democracies.
reapportionment: the process of distributing the 435 US House
seats among the 50 states based on changes in population. It is the
Constitutional basis for conducting the decennial census.
redistricting: happens after reapportionment, so that each
district has roughly the same number of people. Once a state finds out
how many House seats it will have for the next 10 years, it redraws the
district lines for its seats so that each House district in the state
represents the same number of people. The Census tells a state where its
residents are located within the state. Based on the results, the state
then redraws not only the district lines for its US House seats but also
for state legislative seats, state boards and commissions, judicial
districts, local officials - the district for any elected office that is
not statewide - so that all electoral districts represent an equal
number of people.
There is no universal process for drawing district maps, so states use
different methods. 17 states currently give some form of redistricting
commission responsibility over the map-drawing process. Commissions may
be independent, bipartisan, advisory or act only as a backup. 33 states
currently assign redistricting to their legislators. Unfortunately, with
partisan legislators drawing their own boundaries, there is ample room
for political bias.
When redistricting, state legislatures or redistricting commissions are
provided certain criteria with which to draw the lines. These criteria
are intended to make the districts easy to identify and understand, and
to ensure fairness and consistency. All states must comply with the
federal constitutional requirements related to population and
anti-discrimination. All districts must be as nearly equal in population
as practicable. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 prohibits plans that
intentionally or inadvertently discriminate on the basis of race, which
could dilute the minority vote.
In addition to these mandatory standards set out by the US Constitution
and the Voting Rights Act, states are allowed to adopt their own
redistricting criteria or principles for drawing the plans. These may be
found in state constitutions or statutes or be adopted by a legislature,
chamber or committee, or by a court when the legislative process fails.
These traditional districting principles have been adopted by many
states:
compactness: having the minimum distance between all the parts of a
constituency (a circle, square or hexagon)
contiguity: all parts of a district being connected at some point
with the rest of the district
preservation of political subdivisions: not crossing county, city or
town boundaries when drawing districts
preservation of communities of interest: geographical areas, such as
neighborhoods of a city or regions of a state, where the residents
have common political interests that do not necessarily coincide
with the boundaries of a political subdivision, such as a city or
county
preservation of cores of prior districts: maintaining districts as
previously drawn, to the extent possible, leading to continuity of
representation
avoiding pairing incumbents: avoiding districts that would create
contests between incumbents
prohibition on favoring or disfavoring an incumbent, candidate or
party: the prohibition in a given state may be broader, covering any
person or group, or it may be limited to intentionally or unduly
favoring a person or group
prohibition on using partisan data: line drawers, whether
commissioners, nonpartisan staff or legislators, are prohibited from
using incumbent residences, election results, party registration or
other socio-economic data as an input when redrawing districts
competitiveness: districts having relatively even partisan balance,
making competition between the two major parties more intense to
avoid the creation of “safe” districts for a particular party
proportionality: the statewide proportion of districts whose voters
(based on statewide state and federal partisan general election
results durin
g the last ten years) favor each political party correspond closely
to the statewide preferences of the voters
malapportionment: the creation of electoral districts with
unequal population. For example, if one district has 10,000 voters and
another has 100,000 voters, voters in the former district have ten times
the influence, per person, over the governing body. Sometimes
malapportionment is built into the system. For example, the US
Constitution gives every state 2 US Senators even though, for example,
California has 70 times the population of Wyoming, making California
residents vastly underrepresented.
Baker vs. Carr (1962): The 14th Amendment prohibits
substantial disparities or malapportionment in total population
between electoral districts in the same districting plan … the one-
person, one-vote principle.
Reynolds vs. Sims (1964): Under Baker, the electoral
districts of state legislative chambers must be roughly equal in
population.
Voting Rights Act: Passed at the height of the Civil Rights
Movement in 1965, the VRA prevents the systemic and widespread voter
discrimination experienced by people of color. The VRA has been used to
block voter suppression laws such as demands for voter identification,
voter registration purges and making voter registration harder. The
process of voting involves not only casting a vote. It also includes
rules and processes that determine who is eligible, how to register, how
to vote, when polls are open and whether people are put in districts
that give them a fair chance of electing their candidate of choice.
Section 2 of the VRA protects voters from discrimination based on race,
color or membership in a language minority group in all these election
procedures.
However, the Supreme Court struck down key provisions of the VRA in
Shelby v. Holder (2013) and Brnovich v. Democratic National
Committee (2021). These decisions struck down sections 2 and 5 of
the VRA, allowing states with a history of racially discriminatory maps
and voting rules to implement new voting laws and maps without federal
approval, resulting in new discriminatory practices and restrictive
voting laws across the country. How effectively the VRA will be able to
protect voters of color going into the future is now in doubt.
12/2023 update: The US Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit found
that only the federal government could bring a legal challenge under
Section 2 of the VRA, a crucial part of the law that prohibits election
or voting practices that discriminate against Americans based on race,
effectively barring private citizens and civil rights groups from filing
lawsuits.
structural bias: the institutional patterns and practices that
confer advantage to some and disadvantage to others based on identity.
The US Constitution and constitutional law regulate the workings of
government and supply the rules of the political game. Whether by design
or by accident, these rules sometimes tilt the playing field for or
against certain political groups - not just episodically, based on who
holds power at a given moment, but systematically over time - in terms
of electoral outcomes or policy objectives.
single-member district system: the most common US electoral
system. It is used to elect the US House and most state and local
legislatures. Under single-member systems, an area is divided into a
number of geographically defined voting districts, each represented
by a single elected official. Voters can only vote for their
district’s representative, with the highest vote-getter winning
election. Single-member districts can provide voters with one easily
identifiable district representative, can maximize accountability
because a single representative can be held responsible and can be
re-elected or defeated in the next election, and can ensure
geographic representation. However, single-member districts must be
redrawn on a regular basis to maintain populations of relatively
equal size. They are also usually artificial geographic entities
whose boundaries don’t delineate clearly identifiable communities,
and as a consequence, have no particular relevance to citizens.
Because of their winner-take-all nature, single-member districts
tend to over-represent the majority party and under-represent other
parties. This can lead to bias.
urban-rural polarization: Because Democrats are increasingly
concentrated in densely populated cities, their candidates win by
overwhelming majorities in large cities but often lose by relatively
small margins elsewhere. They often win a greater share of votes
than their share of seats, especially in the states of the Midwest,
where it is commonplace for the Democrats to win statewide elections
without coming anywhere near a majority in the state legislature or
the House delegation. This leads to political underrepresentation of
people living in cities.
wasted votes: Single-member districts mean that a vote cast
for a losing candidate will not be represented. Similarly, a vote
cast for a candidate over the threshold needed to win is electorally
useless. Both of these votes are wasted votes. Democrats cast more
wasted votes than Republicans due to an imbalance in how party
members are distributed among districts. This imbalance is a result
of both natural sorting and political gerrymandering.
natural sorting: describes how members of the two parties are
distributed across the country. Democrats are heavily concentrated
in cities and urban areas. Republicans tend to be scattered among
rural, exurban and suburban districts. There are more districts with
very high concentrations of Democratic voters than there are
districts with very high concentrations of Republican voters. This
Democratic density makes it easy to win individual seats but creates
lots of wasted votes. The end result is that voters are
misrepresented in their government.
misrepresentation: In red states, Republicans garnered 56% of
the vote but 74.6% of representation. In blue states, Democrats won
60.3% of the vote but 69.1% of representation (seat bonus bias: the
gap between each party’s share of the national popular vote and
their share of seats). In the House, Democrats over-represent blue
states by 19 seats, whereas Republicans over-represent red states by
40 seats. For individual states, misrepresentation is even larger.
The level of misrepresentation is 20% or greater in 23 states -
almost half the country - and over 30% in 12 states.
Misrepresentation can lead to social and economic policy
distortions, feed distrust and drive discontent in government. The
edge provided by this misrepresentation gives the majority party
disproportionate power that is particularly destabilizing and
dangerous in an era of heightened polarization and partisanship.
gerrymandering: the practice of drawing the boundaries of
electoral districts in a way that gives one political party an unfair
advantage over its rivals (political or partisan gerrymandering) or that
dilutes the voting power of members of ethnic or linguistic minority
groups (racial gerrymandering), while ignoring voter preferences.
Gerrymandering is nearly as old as the US (1780s) but it has changed
dramatically since the founding. Where politicians once had to pick from
a few maps drawn by hand, they now can create and pick from thousands of
computer-generated maps, using tactics called packing and cracking.
Packing is drawing districts to heavily over-represent the opposition
party, wasting as many votes as possible over the winning threshold.
Cracking is the opposite: diluting the opposition’s voters into
districts so they cannot reach the threshold. Most statewide
gerrymanders are a combination of packing and cracking.
Done right, redistricting is a chance to create maps that, in the words
of
John Adams, are an “exact portrait, a miniature” of the people as a
whole. A truly representative government would mean that the composition
of the officials elected from districts would mirror the political
positions of the population. For instance, if the country were 60%
Republican, Congress ought to be 60% Republican as well. But sometimes
the redistricting process is used to draw maps that manufacture election
outcomes that are detached from the preferences of voters. Rather than
voters choosing their representatives, gerrymandering empowers
politicians to choose their voters. This tends to occur especially when
line drawing is left to legislatures and one political party controls
the process, as has become increasingly common. When that happens,
partisan concerns almost invariably take precedence over all else.
Gerrymandering is one reason that only about 10% to 15% of all 435 seats
in the US House are competitive, and one of the many reasons that
gerrymandering is extremely unpopular with voters.
Electoral districts that are both uncompetitive and skewed in favor of
one group produce electoral results are virtually guaranteed and have a
real impact on the balance of power in Congress and in many state
legislatures. There is no question that such practices are harmful to
democracy by creating electoral districts that are deeply
unrepresentative, by pre-determining outcomes and by depriving voters of
meaningful choices at the polls.
political gerrymandering: the manipulation of electoral
districts to favor one party over another. States where one party
controls the process often use gerrymandering to maximize their
party’s representation. Political gerrymandering characteristically
results in a greater number of wasted votes, both for the losing
party and for the winning candidate in excess of the number needed
to win (an efficiency gap). Political gerrymandering hinders party
competition and the resulting increase in safe seats leads to
political monopoly and feeds extremism in the majority party. On the
state level, political gerrymandering has led to significant
partisan bias in maps. For example, in 2018, Democrats in Wisconsin
won every statewide office and a majority of the statewide vote but,
thanks to gerrymandering, won only 36 of the 99 seats in the state
assembly. The widespread practice has led to a number of challenges
in the federal courts but no definitive court decisions. The last
political gerrymandering case was Rucho v. Common Cause
(2019), in which SCOTUS determined that gerrymandering for party
advantage could not be challenged in federal court, that “partisan
gerrymandering claims present political questions beyond the reach
of the federal courts,” and therefore it had no constitutional
authority to throw out voting maps for being too partisan.
extreme
political gerrymandering: a recent term for creating maps in
which candidates from only one ideological wing are elected and use
the party’s control of the process to lock in an outsized share of
seats for an entire decade. Its goal is to lock in control of all of
a state’s electoral districts regardless of its share of voters. In
the wake of the 2020 Census, state legislators crafted a number of
hyper-partisan and discriminatory gerrymanders. It occurs not in
deeply red or deeply blue states but in battleground states like
Wisconsin, Michigan, North Carolina and Pennsylvania, that aren’t
starkly clustered but that just happened to be controlled by a
single party at the time of redistricting. The cities in those
states may be fairly to heavily Democratic but they also have a lot
of Democrats in suburbs, college towns and rural areas. Given a
comparatively even spread of Republicans and Democrats, it matters
greatly how new districts are drawn. Extreme political
gerrymandering is closely correlated with single-party control of
the redistricting process. The lasting and harmful effects of
extreme partisan gerrymandering are especially apparent in
traditionally purple states, like North Carolina. At a statewide
level, North Carolina is a robust democracy with highly contested
elections for everything from president to state auditor. But over
the last decade, Republicans secured supermajorities in the state
legislature, as well as a safe, durable 10–3 advantage in the
congressional delegation. Recent studies have found that
gerrymandering, pushed to the limit, could exclude the views of half
the country from the legislative process, radically reshaping the
makeup of Congress and having major implications for the legislation
that could be passed.
racial gerrymandering: sorting voters into districts with a
predominant focus on race. Previously, voters of color were
protected from gerrymandering by the VRA but in the last decade, the
Supreme Court struck down key provisions of the VRA in Shelby v.
Holder (2013) and Brnovich v. Democratic National Committee
(2021). These decisions struck down sections 2 and 5 of the VRA,
allowing states with a history of racially discriminatory maps and
voting rules to implement new voting laws and maps without federal
approval, resulting in new discriminatory practices and restrictive
voting laws across the country. The 2021 redistricting cycle was the
first one without the full protections of the VRA and many states
took advantage of this to implement racially gerrymandered maps.
A state may not use race as the predominant factor in assigning
voters to districts in any federal, state or local electoral maps
unless it has a compelling reason to do so. If the map drawers do
use race without any compelling reason, then the relevant districts
are deemed racially gerrymandered. However, federal law establishes
that to combat racial gerrymandering and to ensure compliance with
the VRA, states may create majority-minority electoral districts.
majority-minority districts: electoral districts in which the
majority of the constituents in the district are racial or ethnic
minorities. The creation of such districts can avoid racial vote
dilution by preventing the submergence of minority voters into the
majority, which can deny minority voters the opportunity to elect a
candidate of their choice. But the establishment of
majority-minority districts can result in packing, which occurs when
a constituency or voting group is placed within a single district,
thereby minimizing its influence in other districts. In 2022, there
were 136 majority-minority districts in the US House (31% of seats)
across 27 states.
[Note: In Rucho v. Common Cause (2019), the Supreme Court
said that only racial gerrymandering, but not political
gerrymandering, may be challenged in federal court. However, since
Black voters overwhelmingly favor Democrats, it may be difficult to
distinguish the roles of race and partisanship in drawing electoral
maps. That may make it possibly for states to defend racially
discriminatory maps on grounds that they were permissibly
discriminating against Democrats rather than impermissibly
discriminating against voters of color.]
A. voter registration: All states except North Dakota require voters to
register before voting in an election. Most states allow voter registration
by mail. Dates, residency requirements and other details
vary by state.
B. election day in-person voting: Voting online is not yet allowed in
the US. Voters who vote on election day must do so in person.
Every state (and some localities) has its own hours and required
locations (polling places) for voting, and the type of identification a
voter is allowed to bring.
C. early in-person voting: a system or practice by which votes are cast
ahead of election day. Most states allow voters to vote in person during a
designated early voting period, without requiring an excuse. In some states,
voters may need to request an absentee ballot to be able to vote early.
The details vary from state to state.
D. absentee voting or voting by mail: allows voters to vote before
election day by mail or drop box. Although every state has absentee voting,
deadlines and rules on who can take part vary. In most states, voters need
to request an absentee ballot to vote in each election. In some states,
voters may qualify to receive absentee ballots permanently.
State laws vary greatly.
IV. Ballot Rules
A. types of ballots
1.
party column: lists all candidates of a party under the party name
also called
Indiana ballot
more straight ticket voting
voting for candidates who are all from the same party
2.
office block / office group: lists all candidates for an office under the office
also called
Massachusetts ballot
more split ticket voting
voting for candidates of different parties for various offices in the same election
3.
hybrid
B. access
1. independent candidate: petition signed by 1% of number of voters in last governor election
2. petition signers must be registered voters who did not vote in a primary
3. write-in candidates: must declare candidacy for votes to count
C. minor parties
1.
between 5% and 19% of vote for statewide office
2. must hold nominating conventions, but not primary elections
3.
if slip below 5% for statewide office, lose ballot status
V. Modern Campaigns
A. old system
1.
local campaigns, limited statewide media
2. tell each county what they want to hear,
tailor message to each venue
B. new system
1.
mass media, same message
2. speak in
sound bites
3.
campaign ads
feel good spots: associate the candidate with good times
(family eating together, sun coming up), good times for this state
or country are ahead with this candidate in office
sainthood: present candidate with his family, ideal
father, little league coach, creating the perfect candidate
good old boy: Voters identify with the candidate as being
one of them. Create a link between candidate and average people. One
version is to have average citizens talking in campaign ads about
the candidate, not famous people, politicians or celebrities. Other
version is when you make candidate seem a little bit more common, to
identify them as someone like them, someone who really cares about
people.
NOOTs (No One's Opposed To This): The candidate takes a
courageous stand on an issue (broad not detailed because that's when
you start getting opposition). Looks into the camera and tells us
he's against crime, in favor of making schools better. (Nobody is
against these things.)
basher spots: negative campaigning
4.
wave election: the president’s party suffers big losses, major
surprises are possible, often happens in midterm general elections
C. role of consultants
1. sell candidate as a product, package the candidate
2. image and message, not the issues
D. role of
money
1. Any citizen can contribute to a campaign except those with federal government contracts.
2. Foreigners with no permanent US residency are prohibited from contributing to any campaign.
3. Cash contributions over $100 are prohibited, no matter what their origin.
4. No candidate can accept an anonymous contribution that is more than $50.
5. Corporations, labor unions, national banks
and federally chartered corporations are prohibited from contributing to federal campaigns.
6. PACs operated by foreign-owned corporations may contribute as long as Americans are the only contributors to the PAC.
7. Minors are prohibited from contributing to federal candidates
and committees of political parties.
E. role of the PAC
1. political action committee: common term for a committee set up to raise
and spend money to elect and defeat candidates
2. most PACs represent ideological, business or labor interests
3. can’t buy an election
4. can buy access
5. late train financing: post election fund-raising especially if PAC supported loser
Video: Vote for Me: Politics in America (CNAM, 1996): Vote for Me is a
series that travels all over America visiting with people who are
involved in politics. The saga of Maggie Lauterer, folksinger - turned
TV reporter - turned congressional candidate, is especially interesting
as Lauterer learns what she has to do to try to get a majority of her
district to vote for her. From the smallest local precincts to the White
House, the series explores what it really takes to run for public office
in the US and ends up being a warm, understanding and surprisingly
uplifting view of American democracy. I’m only posting a couple of
episodes but if you’re interested in seeing the entire series, you can
probably find the other episodes online. [You can probably also find
better recordings than mine online but it may cost you money to watch
them.]
Video:
POV: A Perfect Candidate (PBS, 1996, 1:45:39): In 1994 former
Marine Oliver North emerged from the Iran-Contra scandal to run for the
US Senate. In the hotly contested race between North and incumbent
Virginia Senator Chuck Robb the filmmakers were granted astonishing
access to the back room games played by the candidates, their handlers
and the press. Horrifying and hilarious, the film is a twisted journey
into American politics.. It’s a revealing, chilling and darkly funny
look into the modern American political process. [The recording I have
here is 25-years-old and a little rough in spots, mainly the first few
minutes of the show. You can very occasionally find it online so I will
continue to look for a better recording.]
F. presidential
transition
What does it take to transition the most powerful office in the world?
Presidential transitions are big, complicated and dangerous. The
peaceful, orderly transition of executive power from one leader to
another is an American practice. When President George Washington first
transferred power to his successor, John Adams, in 1796, it was a
radical idea, unprecedented in world history. Over the next two
centuries (until the 2020 election), the practice has continued unbroken by the shadow of war, the
stain of scandal or the wake of sudden tragedy, and remains a signature
achievement of our constitution.
Super
Tuesday Results
(03/02/2016 - 3:47):
A look at voting results and analysis from Super Tuesday, with Republican
Candidate Donald Trump and Democratic Candidate Hillary Clinton winning the most
states.
Contested Convention Scenarios
(02/25/2016 - 1:50):
A look at the rules and possible scenarios if there is a contested GOP
convention, including backroom deals and delegates trading favors.
limits higher for candidates facing wealthy opponents financing their own elections
$25,000 per party committee
limits higher to candidates facing wealthy opponents financing their own elections
$10,000 per each state or local party committee
$5,000 per each PAC or other political committee
limits higher to candidates facing wealthy opponents financing their own elections
$95,000 per two year election cycle as follows:
$37,500 per cycle to candidates
$57,500 per cycle to all national party committees
and PAC ($20,000 to $57,500 to all national party committees and maximum $37,500 to PACs)
Multi-Candidate Committee can give ...
(committee with over 50 contributors, registered for a minimum of 6 months
and (with exception of state party committees) has made contributions to 5 or more federal candidates)